All Anime Applications Games Movies Music TV shows Other

The Mena Cover-up

    Seeders : 1      Leechers : 2

Note :

Please Update (Trackers Info) Before Start "The Mena Cover-up" Torrent Downloading to See Updated Seeders And Leechers for Batter Torrent Download Speed.

Trackers List

Torrent File Content (1 file)

Description

By SolidSwarm









The Mena Coverup

By MICAH MORRISON



MENA, Ark. - What do Bill Clinton and Oliver North have in common, along with the Arkansas State Police and the Central
Intelligence Agency? All probably wish they had never heard of Mena.



President Clinton was asked at his Oct. 7 press conference about Mena, a small town and airport in the wilds of Western
Arkansas. Sarah McClendon, a longtime Washington curmudgeon renowned for her off-the-wall questions, wove a query around
the charge that a base in Mena was "set up by Oliver North and the CIA" in the 1980s and used to "bring
in planeload after planeload of cocaine" for sale in the U.S., with the profits then used to buy weapons for the
Contras. Was he told as Arkansas governor? she asked.



"No," the president replied, "they didn't tell me anything about it." The alleged events "were
primarily a matter for federal jurisdiction. The state really had next to nothing to do with it. The local prosecutor
did conduct an investigation based on what was in the jurisdiction of state law. The rest of it was under the
jurisdiction of the United States Attorneys who were appointed successively by previous administrations. We had nothing
- zero - to do with it."



It was Mr. Clinton's lengthiest remark on the murky affair since it surfaced nearly a decade ago, in the middle of his
long tenure as governor of Arkansas. And while the president may be correct to suggest that Mena is an even bigger
problem for previous Republican administrations, he was wrong on just about every other count. The state of Arkansas had
plenty to do with Mena, and Mr. Clinton left many unanswered questions behind when he to Washington.



Anyone who thinks that Mena is not serious should speak to William Duncan, a former Internal Revenue Service
investigator who, together with Arkansas State Police Investigator Russell Welch, has fought a bitter 10-year battle to
bring the matter to light. They pinned their hopes on nine separate state and federal probes. All failed.



"The Mena investigations were never supposed to see the light of day," says Mr. Duncan, now an investigator
with the Medicaid Fraud Division of the office of Arkansas Attorney General Winston Bryant "Investigations were
interfered with and covered up, and the justice system was subverted."



The mysteries of Mena, detailed on this page on June 29, center on the activities of a drug-smuggler-turned-informant
named Adler Berriman "Barry" Seal. Mr. Seal began operating at Mena Intermountain Regional Airport in 1981. At
the height of his career, according to Mr. Welch, Mr. Seal was importing as much as 1,000 pounds of cocaine a month.



By 1984, Mr. Seal was an informant for the Drug Enforcement Agency and flew at least one sting operation to Nicaragua
for the CIA, a mission known to have drawn the attention of Mr. North. By 1986, Mr. Seal was dead, gunned down by
Colombian hitmen in Baton Rouge, La. Eight months after Mr. Seal's murder, his cargo plane, which had been based at
Mena, was shot down over Nicaragua with Eugene Hasenfus and a load of Contra supplies aboard.



According to Mr. Duncan and others, Mr. Clinton's allies in state government worked to suppress Mena investigations. In
1990, for example, when Mr. Bryant made Mena an issue in the race for attorney general, Clinton aide Betsey Wright
warned the candidate "to stay away" from the issue, according to a CBS Evening News investigative report. Ms.
Wright denies the report. Yet once in office, and after a few feints in the direction of an investigation, Mr. Bryant
stopped looking into Mena.



Documents obtained by the Journal show that as Gov. Clinton's quest for the presidency gathered steam in 1992, his
Arkansas allies took increasing interest in Mena. Marie Miller, then director of the Medicaid Fraud Division, wrote in
an April 1992 memo to her files that she told Mr. Duncan of the attorney general's "wish to sever any ties to the
Mena matter because of the implication that the AG might be investigating the governor's connection." The memo says
the instructions were pursuant to a conversation with Mr. Bryant's chief deputy, Royce Griffin. In an interview, Mr.
Duncan said Mr. Griffin put him under "intense pressure" regarding Mena.



Another memo, from Mr. Duncan to several high-ranking members of the attorney general's staff in March 1992, notes that
Mr. Duncan was instructed "to remove all files concerning the Mena investigation from the attorney general's
office." At the time, several Arkansas newspapers were known to be preparing Freedom of Information Act requests
aimed at Gov. Clinton's administration.



A spokesman for Mr. Bryant, Lawrence Graves, said yesterday that he was not aware of the missing files or of pressure
exerted on Mr. Duncan. In Arkansas, Mr. Graves said, the attorney general "does not have authority" to pursue
criminal cases.



From February to May 1992, Mr. Duncan was involved in a series of meetings aimed at deciding how to use a $25,000
federal grant obtained by then-Rep. Bill Alexander for the Mena investigation. In a November 1991 letter to Arkansas
State Police Commander Tommy Goodwin, Mr. Alexander urged that, at the current "critical stage" in the Mena
investigation, the money be used to briefly assign Mr. Duncan to the Arkansas State Police to pursue the case full time
with State Police Investigator Welch and to prepare "a steady flow of information" for Iran-Contra prosecutor
Lawrence Walsh, who had received some Mena files from Mr. Bryant.



According to Mr. Duncan's notes on the meetings, Mr. Clinton's aides closely tracked the negotiations over what to do
with the money. Mr. Duncan says a May 7, 1992, meeting with Col. Goodwin was interrupted by a phone call from the
governor, though he does not know what was discussed. The grant, however, was never used. Col. Goodwin told CBS that the
money was returned "because we didn't have anything to spend it on."



In 1988, local authorities suffered a similar setback after Charles Black, a Mena-area prosecutor, approached Gov.
Clinton with a request for funds for a Mena investigation. "He said he would get on it and would get a man back to
me," Mr. Black told CBS. "I never heard back."



In 1990, Mr. Duncan informed Col. Goodwin about Clinton supporter Dan Lasater, who had been convicted of drug charges.
"I told Tommy Goodwin that I'd received allegations of a Lasater connection to Mena," Mr. Duncan said.



The charge, that Barry Seal had used Mr. Lasater's bond business to launder drug money, was raised by a man named Terry
Reed. Mr. Reed and journalist John Cummings recently published a bookù "Compromised Clinton Bush and the
CIA" - charging that Mr. Clinton, Mr. North and others engaged in a massive conspiracy to smuggle cocaine, export
weapons and launder money. While much of the book rests on slim evidence and already published sources, the Lasater-Seal
connection is new. (Thomas Mars, Mr. Lasater's attorney, said yesterday that his client "has never had a
connection" with Mr. Seal.) But when Mr. Duncan tried to check out the allegations, his probe went nowhere, stalled
from lack of funds and bureaucratic hostility.



Not all of the hostility came from the state level. When Messrs. Duncan and Welch built a money-laundering case in 1985
against Mr. Seal's associates, the U.S. Attorneys in the case "directly interfered with the process," Mr.
Duncan said. "Subpoenas were not issued, witnesses were discredited, interviews with witnesses were interrupted,
and the wrong charges were brought before the grand jury."



One grand jury member was so outraged by the prosecutors' actions that she broke the grandjury secrecy covenant. Not
only had the case been blatantly mishandled, she later told a congressional investigator, but many jurors felt
"there was some type of government intervention," according to a transcript of the statement obtained by the
Journal. "Something is being covered up."



In 1987, Mr. Duncan was asked to testify before a House subcommittee on crime. Two days before his testimony, he says,
IRS attorneys working with the U.S. Attorney for Western Arkansas reinterpreted Rule 6(e), the grandjury secrecy law,
forcing the exclusion of much of Mr. Duncan's planned testimony and evidence. Mr. Duncan also charges that a senior IRS
attorney tried to force him to commit perjury by directing him to say he had no knowledge of a claim by Mr. Seal that a
large bribe had been paid to Attorney General Edwin Meese. Mr. Duncan says he didn't make much of the drug dealer's
claim, but did know about it; he refused to lie to Congress.



Mr. Duncan, distressed by the IRS's handling of Mena, resigned in 1989. Meanwhile, the affair was sputtering through
four federal forums, including a General Accounting Office probe derailed by the National Security Council. At one
particularly low point, Mr. Duncan, then briefly a Mena investigator for a House subcommittee, was arrested on Capitol
Hill on a bogus weapons charge that was held over his head for nine months, then dismissed. His prized career in law
enforcement in ruins, he found his way back to Arkansas and began to pick up the pieces.



Mr. Duncan does not consider President Clinton a political enemy. Indeed, he feels close to the president ~ a fellow
Arkansan who shares the same birthday - and thinks Mena may turn out to be far more troublesome for GOP figures such as
Mr. North than any Arkansas players.



These days, Mr. Duncan struggles to keep hope alive. "I'm just a simple Arkansan who takes patriotism very
seriously," he says. "We are losing confidence in our system. But I still believe that somewhere, somehow,
there is some committee or institution that can issue subpoenas, get on the money trail, find out what happened and
restore a bit of faith in the system."

Mr. Morrison is a Journal editorial page writer.



Copyright _ 1997 Dow Jones & Company, Inc. All Rights

Reserved. Reproduced with Permission

http://www.idmedia.com/menacoverup.htm 

==============================================

Mara Leveritt

Why Arkansas's biggest mystery won't die

Sat Jun 2 15:22:33 2001



The Mena Airport:

Why Arkansas's biggest mystery won't die



BY Mara Leveritt



A recent spate of activity is bringing Mena's little mountain airport near the

Arkansas-Oklahoma border back into the limelight. This has happened repeatedly

since 1982, when Louisiana police notified officials in Arkansas that one of the

country's most wanted drug runners was moving his headquarters to Mena.



First there was the investigation, the expectation of indictments--and, to the

amazement of many, the inaction. The plot thickened in 1986, when discovery of the

Iran-Contra affair also revealed shadowy connections between Oliver North's

gun-running operation to the Nicaraguan Contras and what appeared to be

government-protected drug activity taking place at Mena.



In the late '80s, a Vietnam veteran in Fayetteville, disillusioned at what he saw as a

betrayal by his government regarding Mena, began collecting information on the case

and calling for full disclosure. A couple of national publications took interest, but

even during Bill Clinton's campaign for president, when the issue presumably could

have been used by either President George Bush or Clinton against the other, those

missiles were never launched.



Since Clinton's election, however, the name Mena has gained national

prominence--at least on late-night radio talk shows and among a computer-linked

army of conspiracy buffs. Republicans looking under every rock in Arkansas for

some dirt they can throw at Clinton are digging hard into the files of Mena. But

among politicians, at least, the peculiar dance of approach and avoidance that always

characterized discussion of Mena still dominates the floor.



A growing number of observers, however, now even including editors at the

conservative Wall Street Journal, have concluded that national interests in this case

supersede the partisan ones. "Mena cries out for investigation," the Journal said. "If

some chips fall on the Republican side, so be it."



A couple of new developments are stirring the pot yet again. A lawsuit filed against

two former members of the Arkansas State Police by former North Little Rock

businessman Terry Reed, who alleges his own close involvement in events at Mena,

is scheduled for federal court in Little Rock in September. Unconfirmed reports also

suggest Whitewater Prosecutor Kenneth Starr may be dabbling on the fringes of the

Mena controversy. And in an article published this month in The American Spectator

magazine, L.D. Brown, a former member of Clinton's Arkansas State Police security

detail, claims that in 1984 he participated in two secret flights from Mena, on which

M-16 rifles were traded to Nicaraguan Contra rebels in exchange for cocaine.

Brown further claims that Clinton knew of the activity.



That announcement spurred Fort Smith lawyer Asa Hutchinson, chairman of the

Arkansas Republican Party, to request a yet another congressional inquiry into

long-standing allegations of money-laundering at Mena. Hutchinson was the the U.S.

attorney for the western district of Arkansas when investigators first presented

evidence supporting those allegations. In an argument disputed by police

investigators, Hutchinson claims he left office before the evidence was well

established. Since he harbors political ambitions, he has an interest in clearing his

name.



Arkansas Attorney General Winston Bryant, who defeated Hutchinson in a

campaign laced with debate about the former U.S. attorney's supposed inaction,

now argues that, "It's too late to bother with Mena." Bryant's critics suggest he wants

to buffer Clinton, but he argues he only opposes what appears to be the endless,

political "targeting of Arkansas" for federal investigations. In the political arena,

Bryant isn't known as a friend of Clinton.



"If someone thinks we need to look at Mena," Bryant fumed, "I think they first need

to look at the U.S. Department of Justice and all its agencies. The federal

government was the one that, in my opinion, had the ultimate responsibility at Mena

and it failed to do anything.



"We tried to find out what was going on there, and we never got a thing out of the

federal government. I spent three years trying to get files from the Department of

Justice, and all we ever got was a total run-around."



In the months ahead, partisan politics will almost certainly drive some of the

accelerating interest in Mena. But that's a tricky gambit, one that could backfire in

any direction.



The more powerful force demanding government disclosure of what went on at

Mena arises from non-partisan sources. Law enforcement officials who've seen the

system fail, a growing body of reporters who've researched the story and found it full

of holes, and ordinary citizens who think they have a right to know if their

government was helping to import cocaine--they are the forces who are keeping

Mena alive.



They've become hooked on this story of guns, drugs, and international intrigue. And,

so long as their questions remain unanswered, their numbers will continue to grow.

Here's why:



1. The smuggler was too colorful.



It's not every crook-turned-federal-informant who gets gunned down by Colombian

hit men, only to be resurrected in a made-for-TV movie and portrayed by Dennis

Hopper. Barry Seal was that kind of guy.



A fat and swaggering pilot, he found a lucrative niche in the emergent business of

flying cocaine into the United States. He was meticulous. He was crafty. And he

apparently had connections.



In 1984, when federal agents were closing in with indictments, Seal flew from his

base in Mena, Arkansas to Washington, D.C., where he met with two members of

then-Vice President George Bush's drug task force. After that meeting, Seal "rolled

over," and became a federal informant, under the supposed control of Drug

Enforcement Administration officials in Miami.



But there's more to Seal's story than that. From the moment he turned, until his death

in a hail of bullets in Baton Rouge, Seal appears at the center of ongoing contacts

with the Medellin drug cartel, with the DEA, with the Central Intelligence Agency,

and with Oliver North's National Security Council at the White House. It's enough

for a TV movie.



2. The crimes were too big.



No one will ever know how much cocaine Seal and his pilots flew to the United

States. As an informant Seal testified that in the two years before 1982, when he

moved his operation to Arkansas, he made approximately 60 trips to Central

America and brought back 18,000 kilograms. It's believed his activity from 1982 to

'84 continued at at least as strong a pace.



After 1984, when he became a DEA informant, Seal testified, he smuggled 3,000

kilos into the U.S. What happened to that cocaine is unknown. What is known, as a

U.S. attorney later noted in court, is that "Mr. Seal was a drug trafficker on a large

basis--an extremely large basis--for a very long period of time."



The cocaine Seal imported was sold for huge amounts of money, and that money

had to be laundered. Investigators in Arkansas were able to trace some of it through

illegal cash transactions at local banks in Mena. But the vast majority of it still has not

been traced.



Finally, if the mounting evidence that officially sanctioned gun-running was taking

place from Mena to Contra rebels is proven true, that was also a crime. And if it

were established, as some Congressional testimony suggests, that White House

officials were willing to use profits from drugs brought into the United States to buy

arms to support the Contras, that--and the subsequent coverup--would be the

biggest crimes of all.



3. Too much money was involved.



Seal once testified he grossed as much as $750,000 for one cocaine smuggling trip.

He testified before the President's Commission on Organized Crime that his

organization alone involved the laundering of between $10 and $20 million.



It is known that Seal continued to import cocaine after he became a DEA

informant--for the last two of the four years he was in Arkansas. But no one

knows--or at least no one is saying--where any of that money went. After Seal's

murder, the federal government tried to seize some of his assets for unpaid taxes.

Here's what the U.S. attorney in that case said: "The vast discrepancy between the

income [Seal] received and the income he reported obviously show a great deal of

unreported income as well as unspoken-for assets.



"Where did this money go? We found between $1.5 and $2 million worth of assets.

Where is the other tens of millions of dollars? We don't know. Obviously, something

has happened to that money."



4. The handling of the case was too bizarre.



Nothing about the investigation and attempts at prosecution of illegal activity at Mena

conforms to normal procedure. Midway through his four-year stint in Arkansas, for

example, Barry Seal became a DEA informant. But the investigators working the

case in Arkansas--Russell Welch for the Arkansas State Police and William Duncan

for the IRS--were never notified of that. Nor has anyone offered an explanation as

to why, when informant-smugglers are supposed to be closely monitored, Seal's

assigned DEA handler never stepped foot in this state.



The role of the FBI in the case is unclear, as, indeed, is the role of the Arkansas

State Police. Duncan, of the IRS, testified that prior to his appearance before a

committee of Congress investigating Mena, he was instructed by superiors in the

agency to lie and told he needed "to get the big picture."



Another irregularity concerns the apparent reluctance of Hutchinson's successor,

U.S. Attorney Mike Fitzhugh, to let Welch and Duncan present evidence of

money-laundering to a seated federal grand jury. They wondered about that for

years.



But the Times has obtained a copy of a memo written in 1986 by an FBI agent in

Hot Springs, notifying the agent in charge of the Little Rock office that Fitzhugh

would be "withholding presentation" about the investigation at Mena from the grand

jury. The memo is dated days before Seal's murder, and a month before he was to

come to Arkansas to appear before that same grand jury.



The agent in Hot Springs further reported that Fitzhugh "advised that he will not

utilize Seal as a government prosecution witness in view of his lack of credibility in

other mitigating circumstances."



While the FBI was apparently well informed about Fitzhugh's decision, Welch and

Duncan say that they were not. It is but one of the inexplicable aspects of this case.

Another is that in the months before his death, Seal was being used heavily as a

government witness in cases both inside this country and out. What "mitigating

circumstances" dampened his credibility in Arkansas, making Fitzhugh unwilling to

use him, have yet to be explained.



5. Too much federal testimony implicates the CIA.



It's expected that when Terry Reed's civil lawsuit reaches federal court, he will

present evidence in support of his claim that he worked with CIA operatives in

Mena and Central America on missions that he later learned involved the import of

cocaine to the U.S. Reed has made this claim in court before and the government

has failed to present evidence refuting it, claiming that to do so would jeopardize

national security. As a result, Reed won his earlier case.



But even without Reed's current case, there is plenty of evidence that Seal was

working for both the DEA and the CIA, while he was also in the employ of the

Medellin Cartel. It was a mixture that got him killed.



Ronald J. Caffrey, a former chief of the DEA's cocaine section, has admitted that the

DEA coordinated with the CIA to have photographic equipment installed on Seal's

C-123 cargo plane for an undercover drug smuggling trip to Nicaragua. The plane

had been based at Mena.



========================================

M. Everitt

FBI Files: The Mena Files

Sat Jun 2 15:25:34 2001





FBI Files

http://www.maraleveritt.com/documents.htm 



The process of obtaining these files has been long and arduous.

It began in 1995, and it is still far from over. I am convinced that

nothing would have happened yet without the help of Arkansas

Congressman Vic Snyder and his staff. Even with their help, the

files I have received so far are incomplete, and many of the

pages that were sent have been heavily redacted. I have

appealed, seeking the complete release of all information that is

presently being denied for reasons pertaining to either the

National Security Act of 1947 or the CIA Act of 1949.





Barry Seal

Selected Files

All Documents



Rich Mountain

Aviation 

Selected Files 

All Files



Kevin Ives

Don Henry

Selected Files

All Documents







The Mena Files



My Freedom of Information requests to the FBI pertain to two criminal

investigations. The first I filed was for records relating to investigations of drug

smuggling, gun running, or money laundering at Mena, Arkansas. That was in 1995.

A year later I was notified that the FBI had been able to locate "no records

pertaining to my request." I knew that was not true, in part because five years earlier

the FBI had already notified the Arkansas attorney general, who had submitted a

similar request, that it had 60 documents containing 208 pages on Mena. The FBI

had refused to release the files because, it told the state’s attorney general, the case

was still under investigation. I wrote a column (which is posted on this site) pointing

out that either the FBI had destroyed some files between its responses to the

attorney general and me, or its response to one of us had not been the truth.



I continued to press my demand, and I began to copy my correspondence to the

Justice Department to the office of Congressman Snyder. Eventually, I received a

letter explaining that my request for information pertaining to "gun running, drug

smuggling and/or money laundering at Mena, Arkansas" could not be properly

processed because the FBI files its records under the names of individuals or

corporations who figure in their investigations. If requiring subject names is, indeed,

the DOJ’s policy, that policy is not mentioned in the department’s published

instructions for filing FOI requests.



They state that a request need only be "as specific as possible with regard to names,

dates, places, events, subjects, etc."



I amended my request, specifying that I wanted files on Rich Mountain Aviation and

Adler Berriman Seal. In 1997, I received approximately 34 pages of files pertaining

to Rich Mountain Aviation. Those pages were interesting on several counts. First,

chunks of them were blacked out. Second, they revealed that RMA, in rural

Arkansas, was the subject of a fraud investigation by the Department of Defense

relating to aircraft maintenance contracts on islands in the South Pacific. Third, the

records revealed that Seal’s activities at Mena were the subject of "extensive Bureau

investigation," beginning in October, 1983. In one memo, the immunity he received

for his narcotics trafficking after his appearance before a Senate House

Subcommittee was referred to as "Seal’s ‘judicial blessing.’"



By now three years had passed since my Mena request was filed. As I approached

my publisher’s deadline for completing THE BOYS ON THE TRACKS, Snyder’s

office and I continued to press the FBI to release its files on Seal. Just as the book

was going into publication, I received a box containing 488 pages of what the FBI

said was a 721-page file on Seal. Over the next several weeks, other pages trickled

in. In all of them, most names were blacked out, making the related information

worthless. The explanation given was that the deletions were to protect the privacy

of those involved.



Of greater concern to me were deletions--sometimes of several pages--for reasons

attributed to the needs of national security or of the CIA. As I mentioned, I am

appealing for release of all information withheld for these two reasons.



My rationale is simple. It is summed up most succinctly in a memo sent from the

FBI’s New Orleans office in August 1983, on the eve of his move to Arkansas. The

special agent in charge wrote: "Seal controls an international smuggling organization

which is extremely well organized and extensive." A memo dated the following

October described Seal as "a documented major narcotics trafficker...." In light of

the remarkable "judicial blessing" this international narcotics trafficker received, it is

not unreasonable for the American public to seek the release of all records relating to

him. What is unreasonable is for the Department of Justice to try to withhold those

records, based on claims that such information might be harmful to national security

or to the CIA.



The Henry-and-Ives Files



In 1997, I submitted another FOI request to the FBI; this one pertaining to its

investigation into the deaths of Don Henry and Kevin Ives, the subjects of THE

BOYS ON THE TRACKS. I made the request on the tenth anniversary of the

boys’ murders after a peculiar interview with I.C. Smith, who was at the time the

special agent in charge of the FBI’s Little Rock office. Smith told me that the FBI

"probably" did not have jurisdiction to investigate the case; that he was keeping

control of it and keeping the file closed, nonetheless; and that if I wanted to challenge

that decision, I should do so in an FOI request to FBI headquarters in Washington.



Not long after that, I received a form from the FBI stating that it had located "no

files" relating to either Don Henry or Kevin Ives. (You’ll find these records posted.)

No answers were offered to my questions about the FBI’s jurisdiction in the case,

considering that no federal crime had been alleged. After publication of THE BOYS

ON THE TRACKS, however, another reporter contacted Linda Ives, the mother of

one of the victims, notifying her that he too had submitted an FOI request to the FBI

in the case, and--much to my surprise--he had been provided with several

documents.



I immediately wrote to both the FBI in Washington and the bureau’s office in Little

Rock, protesting my earlier notification that the FBI had found "no records."

Washington responded with another form, stating that my FOI request had been

received and assigning it a new number, ignoring the fact that I already had a request

on file.



I contacted Snyder, who again brought my complaints to FBI officials. In response, I

was finally notified in May 2000 that the FBI had located records totaling almost

17,000 pages relating to Henry and Ives. Release of all of them has now been

requested.



Meanwhile, for anyone interested in the Seal documents, there are hundreds of

pages here for review. I post them in the hope that persons who know more about

some of these events than I will find information in them that may have eluded me, or

that, as other pieces of this puzzle come to light, some of the pieces presented here

may be seen in a different light. Mostly, though, I post them because they are public

records, they are important, and they were so damn hard to get. 

http://disc.server.com/discussion.cgi?id=149495&article=2173 

http://disc.server.com/discussion.cgi?id=149495&article=2174 

===========================================



"If a President of the United States ever lied to the American people he should resign."

-- Bill Clinton, in 1974 while running for the U.S. House



Clinton's Cocaine Use: What Does Jack Christy Know and How Does He Know It?

http://www.freerepublic.com/forum/a160.htm 



[email protected]

New world order, Conspiracy, politics, cover-up, Government, crime, alex jones, david icke, Jordan maxwell, Tisarion 

Related torrents

Torrent Name	Added	Size	Seed	Leech	Health
THe Mena Cover-Up Bill Clinton's Drugs, Guns $ Murder By SolidSWARM	1 Year+ - in Movies	582.09 MB	1	11
The Mena Cover-Up - By SolidSWARM	1 Year+ - in Movies	582.68 MB	0	0
17 Carnations - The Royals, the Nazis and the Biggest Cover-Up i	1 Year+ - in Other	5.19 MB	18	2
17 Carnations_ The Royals, the Nazis and the Biggest Cover-Up in	1 Year+ - in Other	5.19 MB	18	2
17 Carnations: The Royals, the Nazis and the Biggest Cover-Up in History - Andre..	1 Year+ - in Other	5.19 MB	0	0

Note :

Feel free to post any comments about this torrent, including links to Subtitle, samples, screenshots, or any other relevant information. Watch The Mena Cover-up Full Movie Online Free, Like 123Movies, FMovies, Putlocker, Netflix or Direct Download Torrent The Mena Cover-up via Magnet Download Link.

Comments (0 Comments)

Please login or create a FREE account to post comments